The Mauricio Macri’s withdrawal lit other fires. It does not put out fires in the opposition, rather it spreads them to the ruling party. What a career epilogue. Also sealed the number of candidates for the Casa Rosada: no more than five for now, even if 20 sign up. The general skeleton is reduced: if the powerful engineer with all kinds of resources cannot, can a daring cusquito? Therefore, only one quintet remains: Rodríguez Larreta and Patricia Bullrich they compete from the Pro (the radicals are carried in the backpack of the vice, be they Morales or Negri). Javier Milei conquered a third space of incalculable height and appears in several pollster scenarios as a finalist. A potential enigma.
And, in the government, the spectrum of dreamers narrowed: Daniel Scioli has become a substitute for Alberto Fernández if he abandons the purpose of re-election and favors an official sector (“I am to the right of the right”) against Peter’s Wado, who represents the illiterate left of La Cámpora with the support of a governor, such as Santiago del Estero or Salta. Nothing else on the scoreboard. There remains, of course, a pending gesture of Cristina: launching to capture, in a first round, a greater number of legislators for his faction, even if it loses in a second round. Lavish immolation that demands too much altruism.
Oversights, disconnections and dispensations
He left the Macri race (anticipated in this medium several times) after speaking, touring, publishing books, enthusing his own media and running across the country without a strong explanation. Unless one matches Elisa Carrionhis former partner invited by Juliana to eat milanesas and who from the bitterness now maintains that the engineer was not given the numbers. Or that the trend of the samples was unchangeable: the internal could win, never the general.
Rare in Macri that admission: he always fought against the current, Buenos Aires public opinion was majority against him. So much so that Alberto Fernández, with the endorsement of Néstor Kirchner, boasted and bet that “Macri may one day be President, but he would never be head of government in the Federal Capital due to the negative hearing against him.” Of course, he was wrong. And he didn’t pay the challenges either. A classic.
Beyond the fact that Carrió’s observation does not apply to herself, since without peeking into the two digits of adhesions she persists as a presidential candidate, her statements are always observed as friendly with the mayor of Buenos Aires, the red Santilli and the protection of whoever it was Buenos Aires security manager that Rodríguez Larreta had to fire (D’alessandro) for a recording scandal. Those acts of Carrió are explained even for the most innocent. Instead, the Macri’s defection is more mysterious: If he was as good and generous as everyone and everyone said after his announcement, why did he get off a sure win? Not that it was San Martín after meeting with Bolívar in Guayaquil.
Nor is the sudden disclosure of the resignation known when he himself had already confessed that his pronouncement would be in May. He hastened or, as others close to him say, he wanted to relieve Bullrich the construction of a scaffolding in the interior that, until then, many denied him electoral confidence because they trusted the engineer’s presentation. Another hidden detail in the resignation is the invitation to participate as a candidate for María Eugenia Vidal, without territory and with bloodless support. One elementary conclusion remains: surely that illusion it will harm one of the other two applicants in the internal, it will take away votes. each deduct. Under that same look of damage, we must interpret the sympathy —at least— with which Cristina de Kirchner must observe the proselytizing adventures today Martin Lousteau in Capital against Rodríguez Larreta: although she is upset with her former minister, she would love for radicalism to take over the Buenos Aires district.
For an anguished Cristina, Massa is no longer “Sergito”
The vice is going through her own ordeal regardless of these trifles: in a few months she will begin to lose influence if she does not present herself as a candidate. And, until then, Alberto Fernández will have to harass her on a personal mission without limits. Even making fun of her, since the photograph he obtained with Joe Biden he cared more as an insult against her than for the discussion about the support or not of Argentina to the nuclear agreement with China that supposes a fourth plant of more than 8 billion dollars. As is known, that was the key to the meeting between the two presidents —denied, of course—, apart from other subtleties that were raised.
Hoy Washington worries more about the Chinese advance than the Ukraine war and, as a presumed counterpart of the North American support in the IMF to the Fernández Administration, it is affirmed that Biden had requested the suspension of that pact with the Asian power. There was an internal struggle in the delegation and, apparently, the Sergio Massa version triumphed: we cannot remove our shoes from the pact with China just when we have a pending negotiation for the swap to stabilize the economy. It is curious that the minister whom society understands as closest to the United States embassy has supported this opposition, as he would always have been against imperialism. Cristina will have been happy with that decision: she supports Massa despite the country risk, inflation and the lack of dollars. So much female support seems insufficient for Massa to be a presidential candidate in the initial quintet.
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